Panglossian neoliberalism is Morozov's name for the ideological formation he identified in his 2024 Boston Review essay 'The AI We Deserve.' It fuses two distinct claims: the Panglossian claim that the current arrangement of the technology industry is fundamentally sound and requires only optimization, and the neoliberal claim that the market is the correct mechanism for performing that optimization. AI is simultaneously the product and the engine of this credo — produced by the market-driven institutions whose legitimacy it reinforces, and operating within those institutions to produce outcomes that confirm the credo's core propositions.
The Panglossian dimension — named for Voltaire's Dr. Pangloss, who maintained in the face of every catastrophe that this was the best of all possible worlds — holds that the venture-capital-funded, commercially-driven arrangement of AI development is not merely tolerable but optimal. Problems that arise are not structural but local; dissatisfactions are not political but technical; the response to any shortcoming is not institutional reform but better engineering. The framework is self-sealing: every failure becomes evidence that more of the same is needed.
The neoliberal dimension holds that the market-driven provision of technological infrastructure is not one possible arrangement among others but the natural and correct arrangement. Deviations from this arrangement — public ownership, democratic governance, regulatory constraint — appear within the framework as interference with a process that functions best when left alone. The framework presents itself as description when it is in fact prescription, naturalizing a specific political-economic arrangement as if it were a law of physics.
Morozov's sharpest move is the identification of the historical contradiction at the center of the credo. The Panglossian confidence in the private sector rests on a historical foundation that flatly contradicts it. The technologies the AI industry has commercialized — ARPANET, GPS, the integrated circuit, the foundational research in neural networks that made large language models possible — were substantially created by public investment, much of it military. The private sector did not create the technological base it exploits. It inherited it from public institutions, converted it into private wealth, and now deploys the rhetoric of market superiority to prevent public governance of the wealth it generates.
This pattern — public investment creating the conditions for private appropriation, followed by the deployment of market ideology to prevent public governance of the appropriated resources — is the deep structure of the AI political economy. Panglossian neoliberalism is the ideological formation that renders this pattern invisible, presenting private extraction as natural productivity and public governance as unnatural interference. The democratization narrative is one of its key rhetorical instruments, directing attention to capability distribution while concealing governance concentration.
Morozov introduced the concept in 'The AI We Deserve,' Boston Review (February 2024), extending it across subsequent essays and developing the full political-economic analysis in 'Socialism After AI' (New Left Review, December 2025).
Double structure. The Panglossian claim that current arrangements are optimal, fused with the neoliberal claim that markets are the correct optimizer, produces a self-sealing framework immune to political challenge.
The historical contradiction. The industries that celebrate market superiority inherited their technological foundations from public investment they now work to prevent governing them.
Naturalization of arrangement. Panglossian neoliberalism presents a specific political-economic arrangement as natural law, converting prescriptive claims into descriptive ones.
AI as product and engine. AI is produced by institutions whose legitimacy it reinforces, creating a feedback loop in which the technology continuously validates the ideology that produced it.
Some critics argue that Morozov's framework understates the genuine productivity of private innovation and the genuine inefficiency of historical public alternatives. Morozov has responded that he is not opposing private innovation as such but the ideological move that converts one historically contingent arrangement into a natural necessity — a move that forecloses exactly the political deliberation democratic societies require to determine the terms of their shared existence.