Mannheim inherited from Marx the concept of class consciousness but generalized it beyond the proletariat. Any social group whose members share structural conditions can develop consciousness of those conditions and of the interests they produce. The framework knitters had class consciousness: they recognized their shared position as skilled artisans whose expertise was being devalued by power looms. The contemporary displaced expert class — developers, engineers, designers, writers, analysts — has the structural conditions for class consciousness, but has not (yet) produced the collective recognition that class consciousness requires.
The structural obstacle is the ideology of individualism that characterizes the knowledge economy. Success is framed as individual. Failure is framed as individual. Adaptation is framed as individual. The question is always "What are you going to do about AI?" never "What should we demand of the institutions that govern the transition?" This individualism is itself ideological in Mannheim's sense — it serves the interests of the groups that benefit from the transition by atomizing the responses of those who bear its costs.
Class consciousness would convert the isolated experience of displacement into shared recognition of structural transformation. It would make possible collective action: organized advocacy for transitional support, for a share of productivity gains, for governance structures that include the perspectives of the displaced. The absence of class consciousness is not evidence that the structural conditions do not exist. It is evidence that the institutions through which class consciousness historically developed — unions, guilds, professional associations — have not yet adapted to the knowledge economy's forms of displacement.
Mannheim insisted that class consciousness is not automatic. It must be produced through collective experience, organized reflection, and institutional infrastructure. The elegist discourse is a precursor — a collective articulation of grievance — but grievance alone does not constitute class consciousness. The additional step is the recognition of shared position and shared interests, and the organization capable of acting on that recognition.
Mannheim developed his conception of class consciousness in dialogue with Georg Lukács's History and Class Consciousness (1923), generalizing Lukács's account of proletarian consciousness into a broader framework for analyzing how socially-situated groups come to recognize their position and act on it.
Beyond the proletariat. Any structured group can develop class consciousness of its shared conditions.
Not automatic. Class consciousness must be produced through collective experience and institutional infrastructure.
Individualism as obstacle. The ideology of individual adaptation suppresses the formation of class consciousness.
Precondition for action. Without class consciousness, structural grievance cannot translate into collective political demands.
Current deficit. The displaced expert class has structural conditions for class consciousness but has not yet produced it.